March-April 2025 Newsletter - Spring Edition
Bringing you the latest news and updates on all things TWP this Spring!
Dear Friends and fellow travellers on all things TWP,
Welcome to the Spring (March - April) 2025 edition of our Newsletter, which is packed with news and content we hope you will find useful.
Before delving into the contents of the Newsletter, let me share a couple of updates.
I want to start by giving a huge thank you to Graham Teskey, who has decided to step down as co-Chair of the TWP CoP Steering Committee. It has been such a privilege to get to know Graham over the years, to learn from him, and to benefit from his wisdom, advice and acerbic wit. Graham has been a force of nature for and within the TWP CoP since the very beginning, helping to bring this community together since it’s early stages. It has been the honour of a lifetime for me to be his co-Chair, and I will sorely miss him in this role. However, I am also very happy to report that he will remain part of our Steering Committee, and he will continue to inspire and challenge us as he always has. As he says goodbye, Graham has written (another) paper that promises to do just that — scroll further down for more on this!
I also wanted to highlight an initiative that TWP CoP members have been involved in over the past couple of months as the international development community seeks to come to terms with the dismantling of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the impact that fallout will have. For more than a decade, USAID invested significantly in developing approaches, guidelines and tools to support both their staff and partners to work in ways that are more attuned to local realities. Sadly, these resources are no longer available in the USAID website because the site is no longer functional. Some (or many!) of you may remember that the The Policy Practice (TPP) maintains an updated online library of key resources related to PEA and TWP. So in response to what has happened with USAID, and working closely with the TWP CoP and the TWP CoP Washington DC Group in an effort to preserve institutional knowledge, TPP has created a dedicated section for USAID in its library. This online resource, which builds on the USAID documents that TPP had been collecting over the years, seeks to bring together USAID publications on PEA, TWP and related themes in one, easily accessible, location. If you have other documents you think should be added to the Library, please send an email to: contact@thepolicypractice.com.
Now turning to this Spring edition of our newsletter, here is a summary of what you will find in store:
In our featured interview, we speak with Ronnie Ojwang, Country Director of the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD) in Kenya, who shares with us some of the work that NIMD and partners are doing to encourage young people to participate more fully in the Kenyan political system, especially at a time of heightened tensions and growing disillusionment with how democracy is working.
To learn about our latest work, head over to the “What we are working on” section, where you will find more information about the following:
A paper by Graham Teskey reflecting on his three-decade-long career in governance, which serves as a kind of Valedictory essay as he steps down as co-Chair of our Steering Committee.
A case study by Gopa Thampi and Nicola Nixon which chronicles The Asia Foundation’s efforts to support subnational governance reform in Sri Lanka from 2005 to 2020 within an ever shifting, and often not very auspicious, political environment.
A policy brief by Lisa Denney and Alina Rocha Menocal on the importance of Thinking and Working Politically in Security Sector Reform.
We also have a section on “What we are thinking about”, where Josie Stewart and Catherine Masterman share some ideas about how to address the disconnect between efforts to combat ‘dirty money’ and wider development approaches.
If you are curious about “What we are reading”, check out:
Naysan Adlparvar’s review of the chapter “Everyday Political Economies of Peacebuilding” in the Routledge Handbook of Peacebuilding, edited by Roger Mac Ginty.
David Jacobstein’s top highlights from the last few months on publications and other resources related to international support to peace, equality, and justice. These follow from the end of year hits he shared in our last newsletter (January-February 2025), and I couldn’t resist asking him if we could feature this latest round of his favourites.
Last but not least, as always, we bring you the latest publications, events, resources and other news of interest from a TWP perspective.
If there is anything you would like to share with us, including items for future newsletters, please get in touch by email at: info@twpcommunity.org. And please share with your network, and subscribe if you haven’t already!
Oh and please remember: If you are able to, it is better to open the newsletter directly on your browser (click on the ‘TWP CoP March-April 2025 Newsletter’ header, at the top of this page) so that you can get full access to all our content.
With best wishes,
Alina
Highlight feature
Ronnie Ojwang in conversation with Alina Rocha Menocal
Drawing on almost two decades of experience working on political party development, civil society strengthening, youth inclusion, and the prevention and countering of violent extremism, NIMD Kenya Director Ronnie Ojwang tells us about the work that NIMD and partners have been doing with young people in Kenya as part of the NIMD’s Democracy School. Ronnie discusses how the School has sought to engage with and encourage disaffected Gen Z’ers to become more fully vested in the political process in Kenya and work together to address common challenges, against a backdrop of profound distrust in democratic institutions.
Watch the interview below:
Alternatively, you can listen to the podcast version here.
What we are working on
New publications
1. Ride the Wind but Know the Tide: 15 years of politically informed subnational governance reform in Sri Lanka (2005– 2020)
By Gopa Thampi and Nicola Nixon
This long story of change provides an example of TWP in practice, by unpacking The Asia Foundation (TAF)’s efforts to support reform of Sri Lanka’s subnational governance sector from 2005 to 2020. This work built upon several decades of support to strengthen democracy, resolve conflict, and encourage greater citizen participation in policymaking since TAF first established an office in Sri Lanka in 1954. The study seeks to show how, over time, the TAF subnational governance programme “worked politically” by navigating the political dynamics of devolution, prioritising locally led change, encouraging experimentation and iteration, and fostering coalitions of reform-minded actors, within a shifting and rapidly evolving context that included the final stages of the civil war, post-war reconstruction, a constitutional crisis, terror attacks, and, most recently, a debilitating economic crisis.
Read the full paper here.
2. A Second-Hand Dealer in Ideas: Reflections on Thirty Years’ Scribbling About Governance
By Graham Teskey
In this paper, published in collaboration with the Australian National University, Graham reflects on his three-decade-long career in governance, drawing from his experiences with organisations such as the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID), the World Bank, Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and currently at Abt Global. He discusses six pivotal ideas that have influenced both his work and the development field more broadly, and, by way of conclusion, he outlines a call to action that emphasises the centrality of institutions, evidence, and the cross-fertilisation of ideas across research, policy and practice.
Read the full paper here.
3. UN Policy Brief: We Must Think and Work Politically
By Lisa Denney and Alina Rocha Menocal
This Policy Brief, written in partnership with ODI Global, is the first in a Series on Good Governance in National Security that the United Nations has commissioned in collaboration with the World Bank as part of its Security Sector Reform (SSR) project. The Brief argues that, despite skilled advisers, funding, and agreements between donors and governments, SSR efforts in fragile and conflict-affected states frequently fall short of expectations. It posits that a deeper understanding of the political economy of the security sector is needed to design and implement reforms that are more effective and sustainable.
Click here to read the Brief in full report.
What we are thinking about
Beyond ‘Illicit finance matters for development’: Reflections from 15 years of experience
By Josie Stewart and Catherine Masterman
Josie Stewart is an Associate Fellow with the Centre for Finance and Security at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) and Board member at Spotlight on Corruption. She is currently an independent consultant working on UK and international illicit finance policy and research projects. Josie is the former Head of Illicit Finance at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO). Prior to that, she was Senior Governance Adviser at the Department of International Development (DFI), where she spearheaded and led a team that focused on illicit finance as a development issue.
Catherine Masterman worked at DFID and FCDO for more than 20 years, before becoming an independent consultant at the end of 2024. Her last role at FCDO was leading multilateral engagement on illicit finance and anti-corruption, where she launched and led initiatives such as the Africa Beneficial Ownership Transparency Network and the United Nations Convention against Corruption's collective statement on the Implementation Review Mechanism. Catherine has worked on a number of high-profile development policy processes in the UK, including a secondment to the Cabinet Office to support Prime Minister Gordon Brown's Millenium Development Goals campaign and the drafting of the 2006 DFID White Paper on Eliminating world poverty: making governance work for the poor.
UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy’s campaign against ‘dirty money’ is a recent high point in political commitment in the UK to address illicit finance. In 2024, Lammy’s statement’s suggested a level of ambition not seen since the Anti-Corruption Summit that then-Prime Minster David Cameron convened in London in 2016. However, 2025 so far has proven much more challenging than any of us could have foreseen, not only for the fight to tackle dirty money but for development issues more generally. The United States (US) Government has rolled back commitments on corporate transparency, while it has closed down the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and dramatically curtailed international development assistance. On this side of the Atlantic, several countries, including not only the UK but also Finland and the Netherlands, among others, have also announced sharp cuts to their ODA. Resources to act on Lammy’s priority are going to be thin on the ground. This raises a critical question: how can we make best use of the development resources that remain to tackle illicit finance? We offer some thoughts below.
It is now widely recognised that dirty money is not only a financial challenge but also one that is intricately linked to development. Over the past 15 years, most high-level communiqués related to development have included language on illicit finance, particularly after Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 on Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions was agreed. The standard text usually acknowledges the damaging impact of illicit finance on economic and political systems, while Western governments also highlight its role in undermining national security and facilitating organised crime.
Meanwhile, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the inter-governmental body established in 1989 to curb money laundering, terrorist financing, and other financial crimes, has become increasingly dominant as the framework for financial systems around the world. ODA has financed technical assistance to support compliance, presumably on the assumption that implementing FATF recommendations per se is good for development. However, while financed by bilateral ODA contributions (often channelled through specific mechanisms within international financial institutions, or IFIs), the implementation of FATF action plans remains detached from wider development strategies and approaches. Given the fundamental impact of illicit finance across all aspects of political, economy and social governance, this disconnect presents a problem. It is also a missed opportunity: through its mutual evaluation process and the threat of 'greylisting' countries that do not fully meet FATF’s best practices on anti-money laundering and terrorist financing – the FATF process plays a major role in shaping political incentives to tackle illicit finance, even if only superficially.
Decades of learning about how change happens within complex economic and political systems would suggest that a cross-cutting issue like illicit finance cannot be substantively addressed through a single set of standards that apply everywhere. It is difficult to think of another area of ODA programming that still upholds such a deliberate strategy of ‘isomorphic mimicry’, imposing one detailed, technocratic blueprint devised by major economies in the West on all countries across the board, irrespective of contextual realities and political economy considerations
Illicit finance will not go away as a considerable problem for any country any time soon. While assessing the scale of the problem is a constant challenge,, its extent is not just connected to the volume of flows. The true costs come through ‘state capture’, whereby narrow interest groups take control of the institutions and processes through which public policy is made and shaping it to serve their own interests, in ways that enable illicit finance to penetrate core economic and political systems (see research and analysis from the FCDO-funded ACE programmes and GI-TOC). As ODA volumes precipitously decline, financial flows into developing countries will be further outstripped by outflows of illicit finance in absolute terms. This raises the stakes for ensuring that the development processes that do remain are better equipped to address the contextual realities of illicit finance.
We make four suggestions for how this could be done:
1. Financial centre reform: The most significant actions that ODA providers can take against illicit finance remain internal policy reforms directed at their own financial centres and the regulation of their international financial and commercial transactions. The rapid about-turn in US policy raises the stakes on the rest of the OECD to sustain and increase political commitment to drive out dirty money at home. As the UK has shown, ODA can play a role in innovative approaches, such as through the International Anti-Corruption Co-ordination Centre enabling developing country governments to trace funds in global financial centres.
2. Illicit finance and wider political economy approaches: The idea of ‘development bargains’, which former Chief Economist at the UK Department for International Development Stefan Dercon helped popularise in his book Gambling on Development: Why Some Countries Win and Others Lose, has at its heart choices between elites pursuing their own narrow enrichment or opting to foster broad-based growth. In most places, some element of illicit finance will have a significant role in the incentives informing those choices. Ensuring that illicit finance is not looked at in isolation but incorporated into political economy or systems analysis focused on broader development challenges at a regional, national or sectoral level, may reveal particular entry points for strategically targeted ODA-financed interventions.
3. Macroeconomic analysis and interventions: Illicit finance acts as a wrecking ball through any assumptions on how policies and programmes could enable broad-based growth, if those assumptions are only based on the formal economy. The difficulty in understanding the structures and scale of illicit finance in any particular context does not mean it can be overlooked. IFI lending needs to address state capture – otherwise there is a risk that IFIs inadvertently help to entrench it. Initiatives are underway to include illicit finance in diagnostics and assessments. However, these are unlikely to get traction unless IFI Board members show is sustained political demand to address dirty money. Given the macroeconomic impact of illicit finance, including among other things lost tax revenue and skewed incentives for growth and development, a stronger, shared IFI approach to hardwiring illicit finance into the core of major macroeconomic processes could be a significant legacy of current efforts to combat dirty money, particularly the Ministerial interest in the UK.
4. FATF and OECD: In 2024, FATF amended its approach to Least Developed Countries (LDCs), so that these countries would not automatically go through the enhanced monitoring process of ‘greylisting’. While there is a risk that this decision encourages both LDC governments and ODA providers to ignore the issue of dirty money, it also offers an opportunity for governments and international partners to take a longer-term perspective on a strategy for addressing illicit finance. Discussions between FATF and the OECD Development Assistance Committee have started in the context of ODA support for de-risking; along with FATF plans to update guidance for assessors in poorer countries, there is scope to prompt closer alignment between FATF processes and wider development priorities.
The case for addressing illicit finance as a development issue has been made and perhaps even won. Yet, the current response to tackling dirty money remains too narrow, too technocratic, and too ineffective. The disconnect with wider development approaches undermines efforts both to combat illicit finance and to support development outcomes.
Based on our combined 15 years of working at the intersection of illicit finance and development, these reflections are intended to offer a constructive input into some of the debates and challenges that we in the international development community face today. To continue the conversation, please do comment in the post below or get in touch through LinkedIn:
Catherine Masterman | LinkedIn
What we are reading
1. Chapter Review
Lai, D. (2024). Everyday Political Economies of Peacebuilding. In Mac Ginty, R. (Ed.). Routledge Handbook of Peacebuilding. Routledge, pp: 355-365.
By Naysan Adlparvar
Lai’s argument
In Everyday Political Economies of Peacebuilding – a contribution to the 2024 Routledge Handbook of Peacebuilding edited by Roger Mac Ginty – Daniela Lai challenges the assumption that economic activities automatically contribute to peace in post-conflict settings. Lai argues that adopting a more nuanced understanding of political economies in post-conflict societies will lead to improved peacebuilding outcomes.
Lai opens her chapter by reminding us that conflict involves not only violence but also socioeconomic injustices and. As such, pathways towards more inclusive and resilient states and societies need to include socioeconomic peacebuilding, or, as she puts it, ‘a set of processes supporting post-conflict transformation through interventions aiming to impact the socioeconomic conditions of the population’ (p. 355). The problem, she claims – taking aim at the liberal peacebuilding agenda – is the assumption that, in post-conflict settings, investments in the economy (e.g., in livelihoods, trade, and financing) will automatically contribute to stability and peace. Working with this assumption, Lai argues, has led to the development of macroeconomic interventions that do not consider local context, their effects on the everyday lives of local populations, or the ways they may undermine peacebuilding objectives.
Lai tells us that a body of literature has emerged to critique such short-sighted policies. This literature recognises the complex relationship between peacebuilding and economic activity, and challenges the idea that economic interventions in post-conflict settings are apolitical.
What does Lai mean by this? She offers three examples by way of illustration;
First, Lai explores large scale foreign investment in land acquisition often promoted in peacebuilding practice, purportedly to drive economic growth whilst also generating employment for local communities. From her perspective, such investment is misguided. Failing to consider the land-related drivers of conflict, land acquisition in Colombia, for example, helped to further inflame tensions. In Sierra Leone, clashes emerged between local communities and the international company investing in land because of a lack of understanding regarding customary land rights, the local use and value of land, and political missteps in the provision of jobs to youth. These cases show not only that economic projects of this sort can actively undermine peace, but that a failure to understand the broader cultural and social – and not just economic – value of land is detrimental to peacebuilding.
Second, looking at financial programmes, such as microcredit initiatives, and their relationship to peacebuilding, Lai shows that such schemes operate within an informal economy of debt. Drawing on an example from Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), she illustrates how these kinds of initiatives emphasise individual agency at the expense of the development of needed social networks of support. The contributions such efforts have made to peacebuilding have remained limited because they have failed to understand the wider social issues that local communities face,
Third, Lai examines economic peacebuilding interventions that seek to bring members of previously oppositional groups together and develop interdependence and trust through economic ventures. The effect of such interventions (including examples of cross-border tourism, trade, and shared management of environmental resources in settings ranging from Kashmir to Kosovo) on peacebuilding is mixed. Pointing to grassroots initiatives, Lai argues that mobilisation based on local traditions (e.g. tara bandu, or a customary law system in Timor-Leste) or on socioeconomic and political issues (e.g. questions of citizenship and opposition in an unaccountable political system in BiH) – initiatives that communities care about and that organically leverage an understanding of everyday political economies – can strongly contribute to peace.
Through her chapter, Lai reminds us that, in post-conflict settings, economic initiatives are complex and contested – and often members of local communities perceive them as negative. Investing in economic activities is therefore not necessarily good for peace. Building on this, she also argues that a rethinking of ‘economic’ analysis is required. Economic analysis alone cannot capture the social dynamics that successful peacebuilding initiatives must respond to.
My take on the argument
What do I take away from Lai’s chapter?
As a peacebuilding practitioner with an academic background, and as an advocate of Thinking and Working Politically, I find Lai’s argument compelling. I imagine many members of the TWP CoP would feel the same. I also welcome her proposition that a clearer understanding of political economy (one which explores how political, social and economic issues interact and manifest in everyday contexts) will inform better designed and, potentially, more effective peacebuilding programming. Indeed, many of the examples that Lai draws from conveniently illustrate cases where little to no understanding of political economy has resulted in peacebuilding projects with significant shortcomings.
But while Lai’s emphasis on the socioeconomic nuances of microcredit programmes and the limitations of economic peacebuilding initiatives resonate with my experience analysing such peacebuilding initiatives, including in Afghanistan and Jordan (which suffered from some of the challenges Lai highlights), my research also suggests that practitioners are often highly aware of the socioeconomic underpinnings of their interventions. This partial and largely tacit knowledge of everyday political economies can, at times, contribute to better programming and associated improvements in peacebuilding. Of course, this is not guaranteed. In many cases, where it exists, this ability to think politically and appreciate the context does not necessarily translate into working in more politically aware ways or designing and implementing more effective programmes. The challenge before us, therefore, is not only that some peacebuilding practitioners need to better understand political economy in the contexts they work, but that we need organisational systems and processes that support translating such analysis into operational practice. More often than not, due in part to the internal political economy of our own organisations, concrete linkages to practice are difficult to action.
So, while I agree with Lai’s argument, I am left harbouring a number of practical and methodological questions. How can the insights shared by Lai be leveraged to positively influence peacebuilding practitioners? If we are not dealing with a binary of do/don’t understand everyday political economies, how can practitioner knowledge be deepened and translated into improved programming? Which tools most effectively structure analysis and help to crystalise practical insights? What kinds of organisational systems and processes may be more conducive to their uptake, and how can these be nurtured in light of the different pressures and priorities that different organisations face? Answering these pragmatic questions is, of course, not the goal of Lai’s chapter. Yet, as with any good analysis reflecting on the relationship between political economy and practice, it has prompted me to think about how I and others could think and work in more politically informed ways.
You can also read Naysan’s review directly on our website here.
2. What we are reading: Spring roundup
By David Jacobstein
It’s been a terrible few months for so many of us working in international development. As someone who left a track to law school 20 years ago because I saw that I could make a greater difference to support peace, equality, and justice supporting development assistance, it has been hard – letting go not only of so many dear friends and colleagues whose lives are upended but being forced to relinquish a dream I’ve cherished every day. To devote myself in service both to my country and the world, and to be invited to continually find ways to make excellent work even more impactful while learning so much and from so many brilliant people has been all I could have hoped for. As part of my stubborn unwillingness to let it disappear, I’m still going to share thoughts on what is relevant for anyone working on these topics, this quarter and into the future, and hope that we can rebuild it better someday.
If you are someone who is interested to keep conversations going around development topics, please consider both opting into the #adaptdev Google Group: adaptdev@googlegroups.com and also joining the extended Local Systems Community, where systems thinkers will continue to share reflection and inspiration, and foster community. You can opt into the LSC here.
This quarter has seen some new works that are extremely exciting. The top of the list for me personally is the latest from Dan Honig on relational state capacity, a concept and framing of what it means. It’s a powerful critique and update of how mainstream economists and political scientists have understood and worked to strengthen state capacity, seeing it not only as logistical and technical competencies of bureaucratic functions but also the ties between citizens, frontline workers, and larger government entities. While the core concept is straightforward and seems obvious once pointed out, the implications are profound. For example, if officials’ ties to constituents are part of what allow states to accomplish public goals over time, efforts to emphasize limiting officials’ discretion (for accountability or to reduce opportunities for corruption) entail a trade-off in that they also limit officials’ ability to generate public goods and services through engagement, relationships, and exercise of judgment. This echoes both the centrality of relationships in the USAID policy definition of Local Capacity (hoping someone in comments will post a link to a public version of the LCS Policy, saved from the USAID web site) and to streams of work emphasizing the importance of relationships in social accountability work and more broadly in applying political economy analysis to reform efforts. The discussion around social imaginaries and their stickiness over time as a way of defining and understanding parameters for relational state capacity seems to me to directly address notions of democratic resilience and how issues such as polarization affect it – changes in imagined community or shared norms represent changes in the stock of capacity available to a state and how it responds to specific triggers to accomplish aims. I also think there’s a fascinating connection between the importance of relationships to capacity and the increasing shift to a gig economy where many people work for automated “bosses” in the form of apps, with whom no relationship can exist, and ways this implies limits or brittleness to corporate capacity (as well as an essential question around how civic tech is used to improve rather than replace relationships in the public sector). Finally, I have to call out the incredible footnote on page 14 on how “pockets of effectiveness” or positive deviants both often rely on relational capacity to overcome circumstances, and more directly, how calls for “co-creation” or co-production processes diffuse when those become normal ways for things to operate, a shifted state of capacity more broadly. I think this is very useful to frame the value of temporary facilitation support not as introducing specific processes to be replicated, but rather using them to nurture stronger webs of connection that enable and inspire more routine ways of working with and through relational ties across institutions. This agenda reframes much of the work of good governance in ways that bring agency and context to the fore, highlighting both different reasons that things have “worked” or “failed” and a different way to gauge how things are going and whether reform efforts are contributing meaningfully to state capacity.
Linking the framing of relational state capacity to questions of democratic resilience and civic renewal, a great article from Brian Levy for the TWP Community of Practice looks at the social embeddedness of bureaucrats – their ability to cooperate with stakeholders in pursuit of problem solving. Brian highlights clearly that it is not simply enough to call for key principles of participation or co-creation to transform public governance. Offering a similar call for a different model of how bureaucracies “should” work, Levy identifies three goals that help them work better in socially-embedded ways – cooperation (fostering synergies with non-governmental actors), streamlining monitoring, and clarifying goals. The piece is very clear and well-illustrated with specifics, and I think a nice complement to domestic (US) efforts at improving problem-focused performance of local government units, which often are strong on clarifying a problem focus and streamlining monitoring of progress but, rooted in technological innovations, sometimes place less emphasis on synergy across governmental boundaries or fostering social ties in favour of improving ease and efficiency of public-facing processes. I also think Levy highlights a key dilemma or trade-off in this heightening of importance of local relationships – sometimes, local relationships create a “vetocracy” that is itself a driver larger public failures, such as the infamous inability of California to build high-speed rail despite decades of rhetoric and available funding. In this sense, clarifying goals is really important, and skipping to process tools for participatory engagement risks real harm if goals themselves are not set around core service to the wider public, not just those with time or relationships to engage.
An interesting echo of this debate shows up in The Radical How, an approach to ways governance is supposed to function that spotlights the importance of public funding decisions being smaller, easier, and more frequent, linked to more regular procurements that can iterate and surface innovations. Their calls for centring on outcomes echo the need to streamline monitoring and have accountability to outcomes over process, and the importance of core digital and data infrastructure also highlights the importance of having those well-defined and structured to empower staff (and the public) rather than hiding decisions around outcomes in the data architecture itself.
Connected to these debates on what matters in governance and how the micro and macro scales synch up, I want to share some interesting discussions around civic renewal (h/t to Democracy Notes, a great resource, for these links). First, a discussion ostensibly around Putnam’s work on declines in social life that for me was most relevant in highlighting Skocpol’s work in noting that “the contraction of interconnected, grassroots membership groups throughout the late 20th century and their replacement with corporatized non-profits and advocacy organizations. The former have organizing models that prioritize participation, centring members as the source of revenue and governance; the latter emphasize management, privileging professional administrators, centralized decision-making, and distant philanthropic funding. In Skocpol’s telling, this shift has left us with a “diminished democracy,” where we are treated less as agentic citizens who can co-create our lives in community and more as clients who passively receive services, programs, and products.” This feels so similar to the transformations in global civil society that USAID contributed to, aiming to professionalize NGOs in order to make them more effective (in large part because effectiveness was seen as strong management and delivering policy advocacy, rather than spurring participation or serving members). It is also a topic of great interest in American non-profit worlds, as seen here. The calls for civic renewal around spurring more participation seem to be relevant both for American democracy as well as international work. An example of such efforts in the US might be this post on cities and the sense of active engagement to welcome members as work we can all do (something I enjoy in my hometown is an annual walk through one of the more picturesque neighbourhoods where residents invite people into their yards and share the histories of the houses). A cautionary note around this theme is that the same central importance of local belonging may limit the ability to offer solidarity across distance (whether geographic or class) as well as the possibility for civic renewal to happen under conditions of economic hardship. The nexus of economic structures with civic engagement seems like the frontier of where tools and technologies for spurring participation in civic life must address – not just generating economic opportunity to enable people to have time and space, but looking hard at present jobs people hold and figuring out how they can be embedded into social relationships with relevant government officials given existing constraints.
This has been a really long post, so I will put some additional links I wanted to highlight here with shorter discussions:
A TWP webinar on monitoring and evaluation for programming that thinks and works politically – nice structure of peer conversation and lots of provocative and interesting comments, really rich discussion.
An article from Carnegie on sources of democratic resilience in Georgia, as a historian I always think it’s useful to see rich pictures of what has happened to learn lessons for what to do.
Some ARC briefs on the role of unions in education reform, illustrating well how social embeddedness and relationships mediate broader reform movements and their translation into concrete change.
A practical funder’s guide to citizen assemblies, a useful tool to foster some stronger relationships and civic engagement (subject to all the caveats above!)
A guide on the paths to (and importance of) clean up your social media as a tangible step toward healthier citizenship.
A lovely discussion from Alan Hudson around reflection on relationships and how this can become an intentional practice to strengthen systemic presence and engagement – reading Alan’s work always feels meditative and healing.
I hope wherever you are reading this, you are finding new shoots emerging from fallow ground and reasons to be stubbornly optimistic about the possibilities for humanity to cooperate, support, and uplift one another!
Best,
David
Bulletin Board
Courses and Training Opportunities
Political Economy Analysis in Action online course, The Policy Practice and ODI Global (September-December 2025)
This flagship course is designed to equip participants to identify the challenges arising from political economy features of the contexts in which they work, and to draw well-grounded conclusions for policy, strategy, or programme design and implementation. The online course comprises 8 interactive sessions spread over approximately 14 weeks. Visit this link for more information or email training@thepolicypractice.com
Political Economy Analysis for Climate Action online course, The Policy Practice (19 May - 19 June 2025)
The Policy Practice is also running an online training course on the Political Economy Analysis for Action on Climate Change. This course, which consists of eight interactive two-hour sessions spread over four weeks, draws on the ODI-TPP flagship PEA course, but with material focused on how PEA can help maximise the effectiveness of action on climate. There is still time to register. Visit this link for more information, or email training@thepolicypractice.com
Humanitarian Health Diplomacy: Reconstructing health systems after war in the Arab World executive short course, Geneva Centre of Humanitarian Studies (4-8 May 2025)
This residential course in Doha for professionals in the humanitarian, development and social sectors offers face-to-face training with leading experts, focusing on practical methods for post-conflict health system reconstruction. The course is designed to help participants analyse complex environments, develop strategic recovery plans, and manage challenging relationships through a blend of theory and hands-on exercises. Apply before 13 April 2025. Visit this link for more information.
Recent Publications
1. Academic and policy-oriented publications
Arkeh, J., and Khalil, S. (2025). Morocco’s Climate Strategy: Balancing Growth, Resilience, and Sustainability. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
This primer points out key targets in Morocco’s climate strategies and discusses the main takeaways from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace database on climate governance, outlining how Morocco’s national institutional, regulatory, and legal frameworks interact with its climate mitigation and adaptation goals. The analysis evaluates institutional tools on two axes: sound climate policies and good governance practices. It assesses the country’s climate policies in terms of how well they achieve goals related to establishing long-term, short-term, or foundational targets, addressing risk and vulnerabilities, mitigation, or adaptation.
Alabadi, R. (2025). Solar Energy in Syria: How Renewable Energy Became a Tool for Corruption. Aljumhuriya.
This report examines how the Syrian government's push for renewable energy, particularly solar power, has been marred by corruption and favouritism. It highlights how the regime's associates have monopolised the solar energy sector. The author argues that by establishing energy laboratories and imposing taxes on alternative energy equipment, the government has created barriers for independent suppliers and controlled the market.
Barragan-Coutreras, S. J., Paterson, M., Jackson, J., Trommer, S., Behuria, P., & Hickey, S. (2025). Capturing the disruptive nature of green energy transitions: A political economy approach. Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 123.
This paper seeks to develop a new analytical framework for understanding the disruptive dynamics of green energy transitions. While the empirical reality of such disruptions is widely recognised, the only literature within which disruption has been explicitly conceptualised is that arising within the socio-technical transitions research tradition through the notion of “disruptive innovation.” The authors argue that this approach, centred on technological innovations by firms that disrupt existing markets, consumers, and regulatory arrangements, is too narrow to capture the full range of disruptive dynamics associated with green energy transitions and that a framework rooted in critical political economy approaches is needed to do so.
Blair, T. (2024). On Leadership: Lessons for the 21st Century. Cornerstone.
This book by former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair offers insights into effective leadership based on his decade-long tenure as PM and subsequent global experiences. The book serves as a practical guide for aspiring leaders, emphasising the transition from discussing change to implementing it. Blair underscores the importance of optimism, adaptability, and technological integration in modern governance. He advocates for leaders to focus on action and delivery over mere analysis, highlighting the necessity of embracing technology, respecting public sentiment without solely seeking popularity, and addressing public service needs through private sector partnerships.
Bussu, S., Wojciechowska, M., & Dias, T. D. S. (2025). Participation as assemblage: Looking at developments in democratic innovations through an assemblage perspective. Politics.
This article introduces assemblage theory as a framework to analyse democratic innovations, emphasising their dynamic and complex nature. Assemblage theory focuses on non-linearity, contingency, positioning and relationality, offering a lens to understand how various participatory spaces and practices coexist, interact, and evolve as assemblages comprising human, non-human, and material elements. The authors argue that adopting an assemblage perspective enhances our comprehension of how participatory processes embed within new contexts and the extent of disruption they might cause.
Clift, B., Melhuish, F., & Rosamond B. (2025). Wicked politics and trashy economics: Gender and scandalous expertise. Economy and Society: Vol 54: 1.
This article explores how identity factors—specifically gender, race, and class—influence perceptions of economic expertise. The authors argue that these intersectional exclusions determine whose economic insights are deemed authentic and authoritative, thereby shaping both the discourse and conceptualization of the economy. This framework challenges the traditional, identity-blind approaches in political economy and economic sociology. The authors apply their analysis to the Brexit debate, focusing on two organisations: Economists for Free Trade (EFT) and the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR).
Collyer, M., te Lintelo, D. J. H. & Zaman, T. (2025). Designing Social Assistance Programmes for Displaced People', BASIC Research Policy Briefing 6, Institute of Development Studies.
This policy brief emphasises the importance of incorporating the perspectives and preferences of displaced individuals into social assistance program design. Traditional approaches often overlook these insights, leading to less effective interventions. The briefing draws upon research conducted with displaced populations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lebanon, and Pakistan, highlighting key design principles; including context-specific designing, inclusive participation and utilisation of displaced personas.
Comninos, S., & Warren, S. (2025). Global Democracy Theory of Change. Exploring Common Causes of Democratic Erosion and Potential Strategies for Democratic Renewal (Phase 1). John Hopkins Starvos Niarchos Foundation.
This report seeks to identify the root causes of global democratic decline and propose strategies for democratic renewal. The authors begin by analysing factors such as mistrust of institutions and the political establishment, drawing on insights from stakeholder interviews and extensive existing research on the subject. The report represents the first phase in a broader initiative to strengthen global democracy through civic engagement and informed, inclusive dialogue. By diagnosing the challenges facing democracies worldwide, it lays the groundwork for developing targeted interventions aimed at reversing democratic backsliding and promoting democratic resilience.
Denney, L., Bond, G., Craney, A., & Illingworth, A. M. (2025). The Political Economy of Accountability Ecosystems. Charting a new course in the Pacific. La Trobe University.
This synthesis explores Pacific understandings of accountability, mapping the actors, relationships, and power dynamics within accountability ecosystems across six Pacific Island countries (PICs). The study emphasises that, while the term “accountability” may be relatively new in PICs, concepts such as mutual obligation, relationality, reciprocity, and good leadership have deep roots in the region's traditional governance systems. Examples include kastom governance in Vanuatu and other parts of Melanesia, the Fa’amatai system in Samoa, and the mataqali system in Fiji. These traditional systems play a crucial role in governing socio-economic and political relationships within communities. The research underscores the importance of understanding the political nature of accountability and the influence of entrenched interests that may benefit from weak accountability mechanisms. The report advocates for locally led understandings and practices of accountability, recognising that effective mechanisms must originate from within Pacific communities to be truly responsive and sustainable.
Eladawy, A. (2025). Climate Governance in MENA and Africa: Knowledge, Policies, and Cooperation. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
This article examines the challenges and opportunities in addressing climate change across the Middle East, North Africa (MENA), and broader African regions. It highlights a significant deficit in climate research funding within MENA and Africa, which hampers the development of effective, evidence-based policies. The article underscores the necessity of generating reliable, high-resolution data tailored to local contexts and emphasizes the potential for equitable cooperation between MENA and African countries, despite disparities in resilience and resources. The author concludes that preserving Africa's vast carbon sinks and ensuring a just transition to sustainable development are achievable with current global resources. However, he cautions that authoritarian regimes might favor centralized control through large mitigation projects, such as renewable energy plants or reforestation programs, potentially neglecting the societal empowerment necessary for effective climate adaptation.
Firmin, A., Pousadela, I. M., & Tiwana, M. (2025). 2025 State of Civil Society Report. Civicus.
This report offers a comprehensive analysis of global civil society trends based on events from 2024 and early 2025. The report highlights how civil society organizations (CSOs) are addressing multiple crises, including human rights violations, democratic backsliding, and resource constraints. Despite increasing restrictions on civic space, CSOs continue to achieve significant victories through strategic advocacy, mobilization, litigation, and international solidarity. According to the report, civil society remains resilient, striving for democracy in a world that is seeing the rise of right wing populism and autocratic governance. The report serves a crucial resource for understanding the current landscape of civil society, documenting both the challenges faced and the inspiring responses of activists and organizations worldwide.
Grégoire, A., & Vlassenroot, K. (2025). The Political Hidden Costs of Power-Sharing in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Governance in Conflict Network.
This article examines the enduring impact of the 2003 Global and Inclusive Agreement (AGI) on the DRC's political landscape. This agreement aimed to conclude the Second Congolese War by integrating major belligerents into a power-sharing framework, leading to the adoption of the 2006 Constitution and subsequent general elections. Despite these institutional developments, the report highlights that violent conflicts in the DRC have persisted, becoming more protracted, fragmented, and severe. The authors argue that the AGI's power-sharing mechanisms have deeply entangled conflict within the DRC's political dynamics. The report offers a detailed analysis of post-war political developments in the DRC, utilizing a comprehensive database of government members since 2003. This analysis reveals how the ongoing politics of inclusion has shaped the current regime's strategies and influenced conflict drivers in the eastern regions. By exploring these dynamics, the study provides insights into the challenges of achieving sustainable peace and the unintended consequences of power-sharing arrangements.
Hoffman, L. K. (2025). Taking Action Against Corruption in Nigeria. Empowering Anti-Corruption Role Models and Coalitions to Change Social Norms. Chatham House.
This article discusses the persistent issue of corruption in Nigeria and proposes strategies to combat it by leveraging integrity role models and fostering collaborative networks. The report emphasises the importance of "integrity role models"—individuals who demonstrate ethical behaviour and resist corrupt practices despite personal risks. These role models are characterized by their independence, resilience, non-conformity, and commitment to societal well-being. By focusing on empowering individuals who exemplify integrity and fostering collaborative networks, the report suggests that Nigeria can initiate a cultural shift toward transparency and accountability, ultimately reducing the prevalence of corruption.
Padilla, J. (2025). Is Satisfaction with Democracy Higher After Transitional Justice Trials? Political Behaviour.
This article explores the relationship between transitional justice trials and public satisfaction with democracy. Relying on the literature about the winners and losers of the policy process, the author argues that transitional justice trials’ message increases citizens’ satisfaction with democracy, especially among individuals whose ideology is the opposite of the dictatorship.
Peña, R, A., & Baquero-Mendez, D. (2025). The Original Sin of Latin American States: Formation, Building, and Capacity. Journal of Historical Political Economy, vol 4, no. 4, pp 557-581.
This article examines the persistent limitations of state capacity in Latin America. The authors argue that these weaknesses, often attributed to the immediate aftermath of independence—the so-called "original sin"—have endured despite numerous political and economic upheavals over the past two centuries. The article reviews recent scholarly work on state formation and building, aiming to provide an analytical synthesis and propose directions for future research. Key areas of focus include the roles of elites, geographic factors, institutional dynamics, and the application of mid-range theories and methodologies that are sensitive to historical processes and temporal contexts. By integrating these elements, the authors seek to enhance theoretical frameworks and foster a more comprehensive understanding of state capacity development in Latin America, facilitating dialogue with studies cantered on other regions.
Pritchett, L. (2024). Exits from the Four-lane Highway to National Development: What are the Risks to Sustained Economic Growth? Paper presented at the Asian Development Bank Institute annual conference on “Can Asian Economies Forge a High-Income Future and Avoid Burn Out?” (26-27 November).
This paper analyses the risks that economies face in maintaining long term growth. The author uses the metaphor of “four-lane highway” to describe the smooth and rapid growth experienced by some countries but warns that many face “exits” that can derail their progress. He emphasises that achieving sustained economic growth requires strong institutions, stable policies, and the ability to adapt to external and internal challenges. Countries that fail to manage these risks are at high risk of exiting the "four-lane highway" and falling into stagnation or decline.
Regan, A., & Blyth, M. (2025). There is more to national economies than the national economy: extending the Growth Model research programme in comparative political economy. Socio-Economic Review.
This article argues that the Growth Model (GM) research programme in comparative political economy has an ontological and methodological bias towards the national level that generates an implicit functionalist-reductionism. The authors critique the GM research programme in comparative political economy for its predominant focus on the national level, which they argue leads to an implicit functionalist-reductionism. This national-level emphasis, they contend, conflicts with the GM's objective to move away from the functionalist-equilibrium assumptions inherent in the Varieties of Capitalism theory.
To address this issue, the authors propose a shift in analytical focus to the city-regional level within a global-systems framework. They suggest that examining where income growth is generated and concentrated—particularly in urban regions—can enhance the integration of comparative political economy with international political economy. This approach aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of the political consequences of unequal growth from a post-Keynesian GM perspective.
Saha, A., Quak, E., & Turner, L. (2025). An Inclusive Lens on Aid for Trade. Institute for Development Studies.
This policy briefing provides a framing for an inclusive lens on aid for trade (AfT) to enable more inclusive policy and programming. The briefing emphasises that an inclusive AfT approach should detail how trade benefits disadvantaged groups, with a focus on disaggregating trade impacts based on factors such as poverty, gender, and disability. This approach aims to ensure that trade gains are shared more equitably, particularly benefiting those who might otherwise be marginalized, such as workers in industries affected by trade liberalization. By applying a more inclusive perspective to AfT, the policy briefing suggests that trade and development policies and programs can become more coherent and effective.
Sayne, A., Fitzgerald, S., & Shipley, T. (2024). Ten Red Flags for Corruption Risk in Transition Minerals Licensing and Contracting. Natural Resource Governance Institute.
This report examines corruption risks associated with the licensing and contracting of transition mineral projects. The study identifies 53 cases of corruption across 30 countries, involving various minerals essential for renewable energy technologies. Notably, eight of the ten countries with the highest transition mineral reserves have documented corruption cases, with companies often based in nations such as Australia, Canada, China, Russia, Switzerland, the U.K., and the U.S. The report emphasises that corruption in mineral supply chains undermines a just energy transition by increasing the risk of mining-related harms and delaying the supply of essential minerals. It calls for proactive measures to identify, prevent, and address corruption to ensure equitable and sustainable development in the transition to renewable energy.
Sulaiman, K. (2025). Climate Information Transparency in the MENA Region. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
This article highlights the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region's significant vulnerability to climate change impacts, including extreme heat, declining rainfall, and environmental degradation. Despite contributing less than 5% to global greenhouse gas emissions, the MENA region faces severe climate challenges exacerbated by outdated environmental laws, lack of climate legislation, bureaucratic obstacles, and fragmented information systems. These issues are further intensified by state-controlled narratives, inadequate interagency coordination, internal conflicts, and political instability, all of which hinder effective climate governance. To address these challenges, the article recommends implementing transparency measures, reducing bureaucratic hurdles, investing in capacity building, and enhancing interagency coordination to improve climate resilience and governance in the MENA region.
Williams, D. L. (2024). The Greatest of All Plagues: How Economic Inequality Shaped Political Thought from Plato to Marx. Princeton University Press.
This book explores how leading Western thinkers have addressed economic inequality and its impact on society and politics. The author analyses the perspectives of seven influential figures including Plato, Jesus, Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx. The book demonstrates that these thinkers consistently viewed economic inequality as a threat to core societal values such as justice, democracy, and freedom. They proposed various remedies, including wealth redistribution, progressive taxation, and systemic reforms, to mitigate the adverse effects of inequality. By tracing these historical perspectives, the book underscores the enduring significance of addressing economic disparities to maintain social stability and promote the common good.
Yimenu, B. (2025). The Political Economy of Federal Grants: Ethiopia’s Experience. In Erkoreka, M. (ed.). Fiscal Federalism and Equalisation Transfers: Balancing Regional Autonomy and Solidarity. Brill.
This chapter analyses the complexities of Ethiopia's intergovernmental fiscal transfer system since the adoption of its federal constitution in 1995. The chapter delves into the political and economic factors influencing the allocation and utilization of federal grants among Ethiopia's regional states. The analysis underscores the intricate interplay between political dynamics and fiscal transfers in Ethiopia, revealing how political considerations have often overshadowed principles of equity and transparency in the allocation of federal grants. The chapter calls for reforms to ensure that fiscal transfers effectively address regional disparities while respecting the autonomy of regional states.
2. Blogs, Podcasts and other opinion pieces
Chakrabortty, K. (2025). Anatomy of a Fall: What the Rise and Fall of the UK Aid Budget Tells us About Making Change Happen. Blog. From Poverty to Power.
This blog reflects on the trajectory of the UK's aid budget and the lessons it offers for advocacy and sustainable change. The author emphasises that effective advocacy requires more than just compelling messaging; it demands a deep understanding of historical contexts and the ability to navigate and influence these dynamics. The author suggests that the decline in the aid budget underscores the necessity for campaigners to build resilient, adaptable strategies that can withstand political and economic shifts.
Deni, J., Ellehuus, R., Hendricks, T., & Borogan, I. (2025). Do We Need a New NATO? The Inquiry Podcast. BBC Service.
This podcast episode analyses the evolving role of NATO amidst changing geopolitical dynamics and shifting U.S. foreign policy priorities. The episode delves into how European leaders are reassessing their positions within the alliance in light of statements and actions from the U.S. government. Notably, the Trump administration's efforts to broker a peace deal in Ukraine have raised questions about America's commitment to NATO.
Dercon, S. (2025). Musk is Wrong About Foreign Aid – It’s How Countries Show Their Character to the World. Opinion Piece. Independent.
Stefan Dercon argues that Elon Musk is mistaken in his criticism of foreign aid, as it serves as a reflection of a country's values and global leadership. While aid may have inefficiencies, it plays a crucial role in humanitarian efforts, economic development, and international diplomacy. Countries that invest in aid demonstrate compassion, stability, and influence, shaping their global reputation. Rather than dismissing aid, Dercon suggests improving its effectiveness to ensure it delivers meaningful impact.
Freedman, S. (2025). Ten Books to Understand the World We’re Now In. Sam Freedman Substack.
Sam Freedman recommends ten books that provide insights into the current global landscape, focusing on developments in the United States, Europe, and the wider world.
Green, D. (2025). The Future of Aid and What NextGen Aid Jobs Might Look Like. Opinion Piece. LSE Blogs.
Duncan Green analyses the evolving landscape of international development and its implications for future aid professionals. He characterises the present upheaval in the aid sector as a "tsunami," noting that various Western governments have rapidly reduced aid budgets, often reneging on prior commitments. This trend has led to significant disruptions within international development organizations. Despite these challenges, Green emphasises that global issues such as disasters and health crises will persist, necessitating continued humanitarian responses. He predicts a move away from centralized global institutions like the United Nations towards more localised and regional entities. This decentralisation could foster increased community-driven initiatives, though potentially with reduced resources compared to traditional models. Green underscores the importance of adaptability and proactive engagement for those committed to effecting positive change in the dynamic field of international development.
Hill, C., & Nixon, N. (2025). “Aligning” Aid: Which Interests and Whose Interests?, The Lowy Institute.
This blog explores the complex relationship between development assistance and the national interests it serves. The authors argue that this nexus has always been contingent and contested, suggesting that aid alignment is influenced by various, sometimes conflicting, priorities.
Kenny, C. (2025). The USAID Shutdown: Where Next? Centre for Global Development.
This blog highlights the abrupt cessation of foreign aid programs and the ensuing challenges in reallocating these responsibilities. The author emphasises that before considering any reorganisation of foreign assistance, it is imperative for Congress to ensure that the foundational systems for delivering aid are operational. This includes maintaining a staffed and functional delivery mechanism capable of responsibly managing appropriated funds.
Latukefu, A. (2025). The Changing Scape of International Development and How We All Need to Refocus on What and Who is Important, Edmund Rice Centre.
This piece discusses the evolving landscape of international development. Reflecting on the recent reductions in Official Development Assistance (ODA) by major donors such as the United States and the United Kingdom, the author highlights how this should be viewed as an opportunity to rethink development strategies, and advocates for approaches that prioritise local leadership, sustainability, and effectiveness over donor-imposed solutions.
Matthews, D. (2025). What Would a World Without Foreign Aid Look Like? VOX.
This article explores the profound consequences of the Trump administration's significant reductions and restructuring of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). These actions have led to the cancellation of numerous aid contracts, attempted mass firings, and plans to merge USAID into the State Department, resulting in widespread uncertainty and disruption of life-saving programs. The article highlights the immediate and severe impacts of these cuts, including the suspension of critical health initiatives. The article underscores the critical role foreign aid has played in global development, citing significant achievements such as the drastic reduction in child mortality rates over recent decades. The current cuts threaten to reverse this progress, jeopardizing the health and well-being of vulnerable populations worldwide.
McCulloch, N. (2025). The Implications of Trump for Climate Action. Blog. The Policy Practice.
In this blog, Neil McCulloch explores the immediate and far-reaching consequences of Donald Trump’s swift reversal of his predecessor’s climate policies. McCulloch discusses 3 primary repercussions of these actions: deceleration or reversal of the U.S. energy transition, global spill over effects, and the impact on developing countries. McCulloch concludes by emphasising the urgent need for climate advocates and policymakers to reassess and strengthen strategies in light of these developments, highlighting the critical importance of sustained and coordinated action to combat climate change despite political setbacks.
Milanovic, B. (2025). The Break-Down of the Representative System and the Road to Dictatorship. Opinion Piece. Global Equality and More 3.0 Blog.
This blog explores the historical patterns leading from representative governance to dictatorship, using Serbia as a case study. The author draws parallels between past and present, suggesting that contemporary political developments in Serbia may be echoing this historical trajectory. Milanovic emphasises the importance of understanding these patterns to prevent the erosion of democratic systems and the rise of authoritarian regimes.
Monsour-Idlib, H. AI. (2025). Why Syrian Women are the Cornerstone of Radical Change and Rebuilding Efforts in Post-Assad Syria. The New Arab.
This blog explores the pivotal role Syrian women have played in the nation's transformation following the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime. The author highlights the women’s significant contributions to political activism, social reform, and community rebuilding efforts.
Pantuliano, S., & Boswell, A. (2025). The Aid System is Collapsing. Now What? The Horn Podcast. International Crisis Group.
In this podcast episode, Sara Pantuliano, Chief Executive Officer of ODI Global, discusses the implications of the Trump administration’s slashing of foreign aid, a broader trend of declining aid budgets and the future of humanitarianism.
Ripoll, S., & Paredes, F. (2025). Strengthening the Right to Food through Nutrition Initiatives. Blog. Institute of Development Studies.
This blog discusses how nutrition initiatives can strengthen the right to food, drawing lessons from the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID). The authors argue that cooperation between different actors in nutrition makes a particular impact when nutrition is integrated with other sectors such as agriculture, water and sanitation and intersects into other development priorities such as gender, climate and health.
Roy, P., & Nastase, A. (2025). From Insights to Implementation: Applying Political Economy Analysis (PEA) for Real World Impact (Episode #07). Abt Global Britain Podcast.
This podcast episode, which is part of Abt’s podcast series on Systems Practice in International Development, discusses Political Economy Analyses (PEAs) in the international development sector today, delving into the balance between what is good enough and how to effectively apply it.
Synder, T. (2025). Twenty Lessons: Key Selections from ‘On Tyranny’. Thinking About Substack.
The "Twenty Lessons" from Timothy Snyder's On Tyranny offer a series of insights drawn from history, aimed at helping individuals recognise the rise of authoritarianism and defend democracy. The key message from the lessons is to stay vigilant, engage in dialogue, support democratic institutions, and take individual responsibility in challenging times. A visual narration of these lessons by John Lithgow is also available. Watch here.
Events
Recent Events:
9 April: Risks and Opportunities for Climate Mitigation and Adaptation in the MENA Region. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
In a forthcoming publication by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace titled: Climate Resilience in the Middle East and North Africa: Navigating Challenges, Empowering Communities, and Transforming Governance, scholars from the Carnegie Middle East Program and outside experts aim to bridge knowledge and policy gaps between climate change, socioeconomic vulnerabilities, governance and stakeholder capacities. This event discussed the publication, covering youth climate action in North Africa, the climate vulnerability nexus in Mexico, climate adaptation, green energy transition in the Gulf, and climate finance and governance in Egypt. Watch the recording.
1 April: Does Israeli and Palestinian Public Opinion Really Matter? Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
This event examined how the Israeli and Palestinian attitudes have evolved toward their leaders and the region, one another, the United States’ role, and the war, in the wake of October 2023, and the ongoing Israel-Hamas war. Watch the recording.
31 March: Africa Green Industrialisation: Opportunities for a New Phase of Africa-Europe Cooperation. ECDPM.
This event explored the evolving environment for African green industrialisation and the opportunities and challenges for striking mutually beneficial deals between Europe and African countries. Watch the recording.
25 March: USAID and the Future of Foreign Aid. Harvard Centre for International Development (CID)
This event convened government leaders, policymakers and NGO experts to address the urgent challenges facing US foreign aid and global development. The conversations explored new funding models and strategic frameworks to drive sustainable progress worldwide. Watch the recording.
18 March: Clean Energy Transition in Fragile Contexts. Institute of Development Studies.
This webinar explored the unique barriers and opportunities for clean energy in fragile settings. With the use of real-world case studies, experts explored innovative solutions and the crucial intersection of energy security, resilience, and development. Watch the recording.
14 February: African peace processes: Prospects for durable agreements to end conflicts. Chatham House in partnership with UNDP.
This event examined the experiences gained from peace negotiations on the African continent and the role played by local, regional and international actors. Discussions focused on the role played by the AU and regional economic communities (RECs) in driving successful outcomes with the input of key partners and public figures, and how such actors can more effectively support conflict resolution and foster sustainable peace in protracted post-conflict transitions. Watch the recording.
Resources
Forgotten Conflicts: KOFF Magazine. This edition sheds light on conflicts that rarely make headlines despite their severity. The conflicts are often forgotten due to geopolitical reasons, or being overshadowed by high-profile crises, or silenced by authoritarian regimes restricting media coverage. Drawing insights from Myanmar, Sudan, South Sudan, Western Sahara, Guatemala, and the Sahel region, KOFF organizations describe in this edition how they respond to this lack of attention.
Systems Practice in International Development Podcast. This podcast, produced by the FCDO-funded Portfolio MEL (PMEL) programme in Nepal in collaboration with Abt Global, features talks about systems practice through an action-oriented lens, and explores what has worked well and less well in practice. The episodes aim to demystify complexities around systems thinking, portfolio approaches, adaptive management, PEA in action and evidence use for impact.
TAI Funder Call Series: Philanthropy Engagements with Governments. The Trust, Accountability and Inclusion Collaborative (TAI) is hosting a series of funder learning calls on models for engagement with and support to government reformers in the Global South.
Preventing Armed Violence. An Evidence-Based Tool for Smarter Policy & Action (Prototype). The NYU Centre on International Cooperation has launched a new tool to support policymakers and practitioners to identify the underlying causes of violence, and design more effective prevention efforts. This tool is currently a prototype that explores why violence occurs, and why it does not.
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